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The Markale massacres there were two attacks on the marketplace: Tuzla, along with the industrial mining town of Zenica, is a symbol of the economic destruction of the country. The war and the foul play of the transition to democracy are connected on many different levels. And this is not a peculiarity of Bosnia-Herzegovina but an all too familiar story across the whole region. In the face of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the urgent need to transform the planned economies of socialism to the economy of the free market, the political elite of ex-Yugoslavia found a way to convert the growing social dissatisfaction of the late 80s and early 90s into ethnic hatred.

The collapse of Yugoslavia was triggered by the nationalist former communist elites, from which the future "winners of transition" were to emerge. The process began when the first fighting broke out, and it was still going strong when the wars in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo ended. It transformed itself into a fourth Yugoslav war, which, although undeclared, was no more humane than the others — a total war against the poor. Now the poor are saying: The unrest in Tuzla is therefore important. The way in which the ethno-elite play with "their own people" and claim to be defending them against another ethic group in return for absolute power over that society's wealth must be questioned.

She walked up to the tombstone of the youngest victim, two-year-old Sandro, and stared confusingly at his photo. What could I tell my young daughter about the terrible events of the war in Bosnia? Silajdzic, the leading Bosniak politician, wants to abolish the two-entity system Under Dayton, this land, these killing fields, ironically, were awarded to Bosnian Serbs as an independent political entity called Republika Srpska, which to this day remains divided in so many ways from its counterpart in the country, the Bosniak-Croat federation.


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